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Sueddeutsche Exchange Description VideoSüddeutsche Zeitung TV: Das Morgenland in München
The object of the company is to transact banking business of all kinds, in particular, to promote and facilitate trade relations between Germany, other European countries and overseas markets.
The bank's first domestic branches, inaugurated in and , were opened in Bremen  and Hamburg. In Germany, the bank was instrumental in the financing of bond offerings of steel company Krupp and introduced the chemical company Bayer to the Berlin stock market.
The second half of the s saw the beginning of a new period of expansion at Deutsche Bank. Joint ventures were symptomatic of the concentration then under way in the German banking industry.
For Deutsche Bank, domestic branches of its own were still something of a rarity at the time; the Frankfurt branch  dated from and the Munich branch from , while further branches were established in Dresden and Leipzig  in In addition, the bank rapidly perceived the value of specialist institutions for the promotion of foreign business.
Gentle pressure from the Foreign Ministry played a part in the establishment of Deutsche Ueberseeische Bank  in and the stake taken in the newly established Deutsch-Asiatische Bank  three years later, but the success of those companies showed that their existence made sound commercial sense.
In , the bank purchased the state's share of Universum Film Aktiengesellschaft Ufa. The bank merged with other local banks in to create Deutsche Bank and Disconto-Gesellschaft.
Deutsche Bank provided banking facilities for the Gestapo and loaned the funds used to build the Auschwitz camp and the nearby IG Farben facilities.
It also maintained a branch in Istanbul , Turkey. In , Deutsche Bank confirmed officially that it had been involved in Auschwitz.
In , the bank entered retail banking by introducing small personal loans. In the s, the bank pushed ahead with international expansion, opening new offices in new locations, such as Milan , Moscow, London, Paris, and Tokyo.
By the mids, the buildup of a capital-markets operation had got underway with the arrival of a number of high-profile figures from major competitors.
This series of acquisitions was closely aligned with the bank's strategy of bolt-on acquisitions in preference to so-called "transformational" mergers.
When Citibank , Manufacturers Hanover , Chemical , Bankers Trust , and 68 other entities refused to financially support Donald Trump in the early s, Donald Trump heavily relied upon Deutsche Bank for financial backing from its commercial real estate division since the mids.
The company's headquarters, the Deutsche Bank Twin Towers building, was extensively renovated beginning in The renovation took approximately three years to complete.
The bank developed, owned, and operated the Cosmopolitan of Las Vegas , after the project's original developer defaulted on its borrowings.
Deutsche Bank opened the casino in and ran it at a loss until its sale in May It concluded that even as the market was collapsing in , and its top global CDO trader was deriding the CDO market and betting against some of the mortgage bonds in its CDOs, Deutsche bank continued to churn out bad CDO products to investors.
It also put in some mortgage bonds that its own mortgage department had created but could not sell, from the DBALT series.
The CDO was then aggressively marketed as a good product, with most of it being described as having A level ratings.
By the entire CDO was almost worthless and the investors including Deutsche Bank itself had lost most of their money. Greg Lippmann , head of global CDO trading, was betting against the CDO market, with approval of management, even as Deutsche was continuing to churn out product.
He was one of the first traders to foresee the bubble in the CDO market as well as the tremendous potential that CDS offered in this.
As regards the Gemstone VII deal, even as Deutsche was creating and selling it to investors, Lippman emailed colleagues that it 'blew', and he called parts of it 'crap' and 'pigs' and advised some of his clients to bet against the mortgage securities it was made of.
Lippman called the CDO market a 'ponzi scheme', but also tried to conceal some of his views from certain other parties because the bank was trying to sell the products he was calling 'crap'.
Lippman's group made money off of these bets, even as Deutsche overall lost money on the CDO market. On 3 January , it was reported that Deutsche Bank would settle a lawsuit brought by US shareholders, who had accused the bank of bundling and selling bad real estate loans before the downturn.
Deutsche had become the biggest operator in this market, which were a form of credit derivative designed to behave like the most senior tranche of a CDO.
The risk of Deutsche taking large losses if the collateral was wiped out in a crisis was called the gap option. Simpson claims that traders were not simply understating the gap option but actively mismarking the value of their trades.
Deutsche Bank has negligible exposure to Greece. Spain and Italy however account for a tenth of its European private and corporate banking business.
It needs to get its common equity tier-1 capital ratio up to As of September it stands at In June , the then co-CEOs, Jürgen Fitschen and Anshu Jain, both offered their resignations  to the bank's supervisory board, which were accepted.
Jain's resignation took effect in June , but he provided consultancy to the bank until January Fitschen continued as joint CEO until May In November , the bank had their Frankfurt offices raided by police in connection with ongoing investigations around the Panama papers and money laundering.
Deutsche Bank released a statement confirming it would "cooperate closely with prosecutors". During the Annual General Meeting in May , CEO Christian Sewing said he was expecting a "deluge of criticism" about the bank's performance and announced that he was ready to make "tough cutbacks"  after the failure of merger negotiations with Commerzbank AG and weak profitability.
According to the New York Times , "its finances and strategy [are] in disarray and 95 percent of its market value [has been] erased".
On the previous day, Sewing had laid blame on unnamed predecessors who created a "culture of poor capital allocation" and chasing revenue for the sake of revenue, according to a Financial Times report, and promised that going forward, the bank "will only operate where we are competitive".
Instead the board was represented by a speaker of the board. Deutsche Bank is one of the leading listed companies in German post-war history.
Gudenus was only too pleased to give him a hand, saying that the FPÖ hadn't made a single wrong decision since The keyword "Kronen Zeitung" didn't come up until almost two hours into the conversation — and the mood quickly turned serious.
They had arrived at the "main topic," as Gudenus described it. They decided to take their conversation inside the villa, apparently to ensure that no one could eavesdrop, and they moved everything to the living room table: the drinks, the cigarettes and the ashtrays.
Then Strache wanted to know: "What progress has already been made? Gudenus said negotiations had already begun and that the plan seemed to be real.
He said Alyona Makarova was in talks with the family that owns the newspaper and had progress to report. The Russian woman's confidant added that they were in direct contact with two of the four heirs of deceased Kronen Zeitung founder Hans Dichand, who had each inherited The truth, though, is that apparently none of this was true.
The negotiations with the Dichand family were a fabrication, a fact that Kronen Zeitung publisher Christoph Dichand confirmed to the Süddeutsche Zeitung.
Strache, though, didn't know that and he took the bait anyway, raving about the "most powerful newspaper in Europe relative to population," with "a gigantic amount of power" and a "world-class history.
Journalists, he said, are "the biggest whores on the planet," so that won't be any problem. When Gudenus then translated the Russian woman's claim that the purchase of the Kronen Zeitung could be completed within weeks, with plenty of time left before the election, Strache's euphoria reached a fever pitch.
If she did actually acquire the newspaper and there were two-to-three weeks to push the FPÖ before the vote, he shouted, "then we won't get 27, we will get 34 percent!
In Strache's strategic thinking, control of the Kronen Zeitung represented more than just a path to power. The Hungarian leader is one of the strongmen Strache likes to emulate in his leadership style.
The tone was similar in the villa on Ibiza. A glance across the border is all you need to realize what he means, where the Hungarian public broadcasting system has already been the government's mouthpiece for several years.
In such a situation, one doesn't have to worry much about unwanted criticism, and it's also easier to win elections. Freedom of the press? That's something that Strache also finds to be something of a nuisance.
And he promised to deliver a "media concept" for the new Kronen Zeitung to the supposed Russian investor within two or three weeks.
Strache explained to the Russian woman over and over again how she could make money with the Kronen Zeitung — simply because, as the publisher, people would be coming to her and new business opportunities would open up as a result.
The Kronen Zeitung, he told her, is "the dominant force on the newspaper market," and if she were able to gain control of a TV broadcaster as well, "you would exert control over everything.
And he then promised: "If we become part of the government, we could imagine privatizing a broadcaster. Skip ahead almost two years, and the FPÖ and ÖVP are, in fact, currently working on a new law regulating ORF, though it remains unclear what that law might ultimately look like.
Back on Ibiza, Strache was apparently aware that the purported oligarch-niece would expect compensation for providing the FPÖ with campaign assistance.
While he was careful at many points in the discussion to emphasize that everything had to be "in conformance with the law, legal" and "consistent with our platform," he then said something that isn't likely to be forgotten any time soon: "If that's her asset, and she makes that contribution three weeks before the election, then you'd have to be an idiot — there's no need to talk further.
At that moment, Strache threw caution to the wind and did exactly what the decoy had apparently been hoping for: He blatantly stepped over the bounds of what is permissible.
Pledging to grant public contracts to the presumed investor in exchange for her media support in the campaign is neither "in conformance with the law" nor is it "legal.
Whether Strache could face legal troubles as a result is a separate question. Experts are skeptical since he made these promises before he was in office.
When contacted for comment, Strache stated via WhatsApp that neither he nor the FPÖ "received or were promised any kind of benefits from these people.
Businessman Hans Peter Haselsteiner, a powerful political adversary of Strache's, owns a stake in the company.
Haselsteiner also once held a seat in Austrian parliament for the Liberal Forum party, and ahead of the Austrian presidential election in , he invested significant amounts of money in a campaign against the FPÖ candidate Norbert Hofer, who ultimately lost by a razor-thin margin to the Green Party candidate Alexander Van der Bellen.
The two don't like each other much — and Strache doesn't appear to be too concerned about hiding that fact.
Just a few minutes earlier in the Ibiza meeting, Strache had said: "The first thing" he could promise should his party become part of government was: "Haselsteiner doesn't get any more contracts.
Turning the discussion to highway construction, he said he was "immediately in favor" of giving "every public tender" to "anyone but Haselsteiner.
Strache also repeatedly brought up the connection to campaign assistance. In one instance, he turned to his companion Gudenus so that he could translate something for the purported Russian: "Tell her that if she takes over the Kronen Zeitung three weeks before the election and boosts us to first place, then everything is up for discussion.
If she takes over the Krone Zeitung and is able to give us a punch three weeks before the election, then we can talk about everything. We would always find a way to figure it out.
They responded that they didn't just want public tenders -- they also wanted "public contracts with a surcharge" — overpriced to their advantage. Strache answered with an extended "Jaaaa.
Rätsel: Die Magie der Zahlen. Bubble Shooter. Wichtigste Meldungen vor 17 Min. Fernsehen "Ich bin nicht verbissen" vor 25 Min.
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