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Building on the successful model instituted during the Obama-Biden administration with the Nuclear Security Summit , the United States will prioritize results by galvanizing significant new country commitments in three areas: fighting corruption, defending against authoritarianism, and advancing human rights in their own nations and abroad.
As a summit commitment of the United States, I will issue a presidential policy directive that establishes combating corruption as a core national security interest and democratic responsibility, and I will lead efforts internationally to bring transparency to the global financial system, go after illicit tax havens , seize stolen assets, and make it more difficult for leaders who steal from their people to hide behind anonymous front companies.
The Summit for Democracy will also include civil society organizations from around the world that stand on the frontlines in defense of democracy.
And the summit members will issue a call to action for the private sector, including technology companies and social media giants, which must recognize their responsibilities and overwhelming interest in preserving democratic societies and protecting free speech.
At the same time, free speech cannot serve as a license for technology and social media companies to facilitate the spread of malicious lies.
Those companies must act to ensure that their tools and platforms are not empowering the surveillance state , gutting privacy, facilitating repression in China and elsewhere, spreading hate and misinformation, spurring people to violence, or remaining susceptible to other misuse.
Second, my administration will equip Americans to succeed in the global economy—with a foreign policy for the middle class. To win the competition for the future against China or anyone else, the United States must sharpen its innovative edge and unite the economic might of democracies around the world to counter abusive economic practices and reduce inequality.
Economic security is national security. That will require enormous investments in our infrastructure —broadband, highways, rail, the energy grid, smart cities—and in education.
I will make investment in research and development a cornerstone of my presidency, so that the United States is leading the charge in innovation.
There is no reason we should be falling behind China or anyone else when it comes to clean energy, quantum computing, artificial intelligence, 5G , high-speed rail, or the race to end cancer as we know it.
We have the greatest research universities in the world. We have a strong tradition of the rule of law. And most important, we have an extraordinary population of workers and innovators who have never let our country down.
A foreign policy for the middle class will also work to make sure the rules of the international economy are not rigged against the United States—because when American businesses compete on a fair playing field, they win.
I believe in fair trade. We need to be able to build the very best in the United States and sell the very best around the world.
That means taking down trade barriers that penalize Americans and resisting a dangerous global slide toward protectionism. The wrong thing to do is to put our heads in the sand and say no more trade deals.
Countries will trade with or without the United States. The question is, Who writes the rules that govern trade?
Who will make sure they protect workers, the environment, transparency, and middle-class wages? The United States, not China, should be leading that effort.
As president, I will not enter into any new trade agreements until we have invested in Americans and equipped them to succeed in the global economy.
And I will not negotiate new deals without having labor and environmental leaders at the table in a meaningful way and without including strong enforcement provisions to hold our partners to the deals they sign.
China represents a special challenge. I have spent many hours with its leaders, and I understand what we are up against. China is playing the long game by extending its global reach, promoting its own political model, and investing in the technologies of the future.
The United States does need to get tough with China. If China has its way, it will keep robbing the United States and American companies of their technology and intellectual property.
It will also keep using subsidies to give its state-owned enterprises an unfair advantage—and a leg up on dominating the technologies and industries of the future.
The most effective way to meet that challenge is to build a united front of U. When we join together with fellow democracies, our strength more than doubles.
That gives us substantial leverage to shape the rules of the road on everything from the environment to labor, trade, technology, and transparency, so they continue to reflect democratic interests and values.
The Biden foreign policy agenda will place the United States back at the head of the table, in a position to work with its allies and partners to mobilize collective action on global threats.
The world does not organize itself. For 70 years, the United States, under Democratic and Republican presidents, played a leading role in writing the rules, forging the agreements, and animating the institutions that guide relations among nations and advance collective security and prosperity— until Trump.
American leadership is not infallible; we have made missteps and mistakes. Too often, we have relied solely on the might of our military instead of drawing on our full array of strengths.
I will never hesitate to protect the American people, including, when necessary, by using force. Of all the roles a president of the United States must fill, none is more consequential than that of commander in chief.
The United States has the strongest military in the world, and as president, I will ensure it stays that way, making the investments necessary to equip our troops for the challenges of this century, not the last one.
But the use of force should be the last resort, not the first. The ranks established by the Vienna Convention modify a more elaborate system of ranks that was established by the Congress of Vienna : .
The rank of envoy was short for "envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary", and was more commonly known as "minister". An Ambassador was regarded as the personal representative of his sovereign as well as his government.
Because of diplomatic reciprocity, Great Powers would only send a minister to a smaller monarchy or a republic. The rule that only monarchies could send ambassadors was more honored in the breach than the observance.
This had been true even before the Congress of Vienna, as England continued to appoint ambassadors after becoming a republic in The United States followed the French precedent in , and began to exchange ambassadors with other Great Powers.
Historically, the order of precedence had been a matter of great dispute. European powers agreed that the papal nuncio and imperial ambassador would have precedence, but could not agree on the relative precedence of the kingdoms and smaller countries.
In , the French and Russian ambassadors to Great Britain even fought a duel over who had the right to sit next to the imperial ambassador at a court ball.
After several diplomatic incidents between their ambassadors, France and Spain agreed in to let the date of arrival determine their precedence.
In , Portugal attempted to apply seniority to all ambassadors, but the rule was rejected by the other European courts. The Congress of Vienna finally put an end to these disputes over precedence.
After an initial attempt to divide countries into three ranks faltered on the question of which country should be in each rank, the Congress instead decided to divide diplomats into three ranks.
A fourth rank was added by the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle Each diplomatic rank had precedence over the lower ranks, and precedence within each rank was determined by the date that their credentials were presented.
The papal nuncio could be given a different precedence than the other ambassadors. The Holy Roman Empire had ceased to exist in , so the Austrian ambassador would accumulate seniority along with the other ambassadors.
In modern diplomatic practice, there are a number of diplomatic ranks below Ambassador. Since most missions are now headed by an ambassador, these ranks now rarely indicate a mission's or its host nation's relative importance, but rather reflect the diplomat's individual seniority within their own nation's diplomatic career path and in the diplomatic corps in the host nation:.
Furthermore, outside this traditional pattern of bilateral diplomacy, as a rule on a permanent residency basis though sometimes doubling elsewhere , certain ranks and positions were created specifically for multilateral diplomacy:.
Special envoys have been created ad hoc by individual countries, treaties and international organizations including the United Nations.
A few examples are provided below:. Most countries worldwide have some form of internal rank, roughly parallel to the diplomatic ranks, which are used in their foreign service or civil service in general.
The correspondence is not exact, however, for various reasons, including the fact that according to diplomatic usage, all Ambassadors are of equal rank, but Ambassadors of more senior rank are typically sent to more important postings.
Some countries may make specific links or comparisons to military ranks. Embaixador is the honorary dignity conceded permanently when a Minister of First Class assumes a Post overseas.
It can also be a temporary assignment, when carried on by a lower-rank diplomat or Brazilian politician of high level. Overseas Ambassadors and High Commissioners in Commonwealth countries are generally drawn from all four SMS bands and the D7 delegated grade depending on the size and importance of the mission, as are Consuls-General, Deputy Heads of Mission, and Counsellors in larger posts.
Deputy Heads of Mission at the most significant Embassies, for example those in Washington and in Paris , are known as Ministers.
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Gregory Meeks, D-N. John Lewis.